The Revolving Door (and what we can do about it)

In the context of Beltway Politics, "the revolving door" is shorthand for the all-too-common pattern of working in government (or being an elected official) only to leave (as a means?) to work as a lobbyist or consultant for those you "regulated" while in government. It also works in reverse, when "private sector" employees are appointed to high level positions where they are responsible for "regulating" their former employers.

Some call it a form of corruption.

Earlier this month, Stanford law professor Lawrence Lessig called on us to challenge "presidential candidates [to promise] that they will only appoint FCC commissioners who promise not to work for those they have regulated for at least 5 years after their term is over."

Lessig issued that call-to-action after the GAO (pdf) found that the FCC is providing information to lobbyists about upcoming meeting agenda items weeks before the agenda is made public. Why is this an issue? Because "FCC members can't be lobbied for the week between the public announcement of an agenda and the meeting."

One of the more blatant examples in the Pentagon involves Boeing and a former procurement officer, whom Boeing promised to hire. She approved a very controversial leasing plan. This time the door exploded, instead of simply moving quietly along its track.

Here are a few other examples, from Sourcewatch

Edward C. (Pete) Aldridge, Jr.
In the month before he left the Pentagon to join the board of Lockheed Martin, Aldridge approved a $3 billion contract to build 20 Lockheed planes, "after having long criticized the program as overpriced and having threatened to cancel it." While on the Lockheed board, Aldridge was named to head President Bush's commission on space exploration. "Lockheed is one of NASA's biggest contractors, and only Senator John McCain, ...objected and called for Mr. Aldridge's removal, complaining of conflict of interest."

Richard Crowder
On Dec 20, 2005, Richard Crowder was confirmed by the US Senate as the US Trade Representative Chief Agricultural Negotiator. For three years prior to this appointment, Crowder was the CEO of the American Seed Trade Association - a lobby group for US agricultural corporations. Prior to 2002, from 1994 to 1999, Crowder was Senior Vice President, International, of DEKALB Genetics Corporation - an agricultural genetics and seed biotechnology corporation which is now part of Monsanto. From 1989-1992, he also occupied a government post, serving as Under Secretary of International Affairs & Commodity Programs for the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

David E. Jeremiah:
While serving on the Defense Policy Board, which advises the Secretary of Defense (Donald H. Rumsfeld at the time) on military strategy, was hired by Boeing Company as a consultant while it was seeking Pentagon approval for a $20 billion contract for aerial refueling tankers. "An internal Boeing e-mail message indicated that the men, Adm. David Jeremiah, a retired vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and a member of five corporate boards, and Gen. Ronald Fogleman, who retired from the Air Force, were to lobby Mr. Rumsfeld's office."

Christine Todd Whitman
After resigning as Secretary of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (a post she held from January 2001 to May 2003), Whitman formed the Whitman Strategies Group consulting firm. The firm's first client was FMC Corporation, "a chemical company negotiating with the EPA over the cleanup of arsenic-contaminated soil at a factory near Buffalo, N.Y." In a May 2005 interview, Whitman said she had not worked directly with FMC, but would likely advise them on "how to improve their image" and gain "access to the people they need to speak to." FMC "is responsible for 136 Superfund sites across the country ... and has been subject to 47 EPA enforcement actions."

SourceWatch details the current state of law for members of Congress and employees of executive and legislative branches of government who wish to move on to more lucrative positions when they leave government.

Generally, there is only a one-year prohibition against direct lobbying of former colleagues, with this being defined as an "intent to influence official action." They can plan, strategize, direct -- just not make the contact themselves.

If this concerns you (and I think it should), then I suggest you take up Lessig's challenge, but with a twist: don't limit the prohibition to FCC appointees. It's time we blocked that revolving door with a football-sized wedge.